King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud always had a lot to do. But last week, he also had a lot to say.

He granted a long interview to the leading Kuwaiti newspaper as-Siyasah, and delivered a long address on Saudi national TV. In his address and the interview, he touched upon several urgent issues – both local and regional. Paramount among these were the violent confrontations in Lebanon and Gaza – which is verging on civil war in both places – the simmering sectarian tension between Shia and Sunni, the tragic situation in Iraq, as well as relations with Iran.

But aside from the issues themselves, one could read much into what the king said.

The most prominent sign was the growing concern over the future of the region and its political stability; but evolving in unison with the sense of anxiety was the clear sense that the Saudi monarch sees a growing role for Saudi Arabia as a key player – along with Egypt – in the regional politics of the Middle East.

Wherever you look in the region you find strife and chaos – from Palestine to Lebanon to Iraq. Israel and Iran, each in its own way, are contributing to this chaos, not to mention terrorist groups and the Syrian intervention in Lebanese politics.

So, can the regional heavyweights make a difference?

The international isolation of Syria and the current weakness of Iraq have thrown much of the burden of putting the Arab house in order, onto Saudi Arabia and Egypt: a daunting task – to say the least. It is now beholden on Egypt to draw upon the influence it has had as the perennially major player in pan-Arab politics. For its part, Saudi Arabia, which – since the days of the late King Faisal – has focused its attention on the Muslim world, is now moving perceptibly towards a more intensely regional focus.

King Abdullah would seem to be well-placed to steer this shift. Since his days as second deputy prime minister during the reign of King Khalid, he has been among the most active of the senior Saudi royals in championing Arab causes. During the reign of King Fahd he regularly carried out the difficult mission of trying to rein in the belligerent policies of Assad of Syria and Saddam of Iraq. Most importantly, perhaps, is that it is his plan for peace with Israel – submitted to the Arab summit in Beirut in 2002 – which has been accepted by the Arab countries and called ‘The Arab plan for peace in the Middle East’.

In taking such initiatives King Abdullah is not so much prompted by political calculations as by a genuine concern for those who are suffering. This sympathy has been evident on many occasions – from giving sympathy to Saudi victims of terrorism, to providing free surgical care to conjoined twins in need of separation.

But what is the value of this shift of political emphasis – and this ‘human touch’ – to Saudis and their country?

Aside from the heartfelt humanitarian concerns of the man, it seems clear that King Abdullah has made a range of careful and complex strategic calculations: Saudi Arabia must reform itself in order to address the dire shortcomings in its national life that have been exposed in recent years; equally, it cannot permit itself to believe that it is immune to global and regional political and social currents. In short, it cannot bury its head in the sand.

But in order to face up to the regional and global issues, it must find ways to openly and honestly discuss domestic issues that are evident to everybody.

A part of this strategy has been the aim of convincing the outside world that Saudi Arabia is not a nation of terrorists. Even before his inauguration as king, he launched a vigorous campaign to rehabilitate the image of Saudi Arabia on the international scene. Simultaneously he has sought to reshape the outlook and general attitude of the country, by encouraging religious moderation, tolerance, openness, and liberal reforms within the kingdom’s borders.

Reshaping the image abroad would be impossible if there were not genuine change at home – a fact King Abdullah clearly knows and is ready to act upon. Within the past few years Saudi Arabia has been quite successful in fighting terrorism, as well as having achieved unprecedented economic growth and significant foreign investment outside the oil and gas sectors. The coming years promise to bring unparalleled growth and development, huge public works projects with huge budgets having been announced, and some already having been started.

However, the king is well aware that the political stability and economic prosperity of the kingdom depend to a large extent on the political stability of the region. Regional unrest could frustrate the ambitious development and modernization projects in Saudi Arabia, as well as in the other Gulf States. After Afghanistan, Iraq is now turning into a training ground for terrorists – a development which has prompted Saudi Arabia to contemplate seriously the idea of building a dividing wall along its border with Iraq.

Conflicts in Iraq and Lebanon are also fomenting sectarian tension between Sunni and Shia, which is a major concern for Saudi Arabia owing to the kingdom being home to a large Shia minority. As for the Palestinian issue, it has been misused and abused by terrorists and radicals on the left and the right, and by all shades of religious and national radical groups.

The Arabs have rarely been so much at odds and as divided as they are today.

Perhaps no greater evidence of this rivalry can be seen in Palestine. It is for this reason that all Arab – and other  - eyes will be on Mecca this week as the leaders of Hamas and Fateh meet to try and end their bloody strife in Gaza.  The question being asked by all those preoccupied by the Palestinian issue, or engaged in the deteriorating situation, will be: does King Abdullah have the clout to bring the two sides to their senses, end their fighting, and pursue instead the Peace Plan with the Israelis that he placed on the table at Beirut four years ago?

Sceptics have said that money will not solve the crisis in Palestine, and that Saudi offers of funds will not draw the two sides closer. However, a lot of preparation has gone into the forthcoming meeting. Saudi officials having met on numerous occasions with both parties in the hope that by the time the rivals sit down together they will already have decided that the time is right for a real ceasefire and a constructive relationship. In the end, however, success will only result if the two sides decide it is in their interest. Can King Abdullah steer them towards regarding peace as a viable option? We shall see.

Without wishing to sound trite, I would argue that Saudi Arabia is currently in a position to see that what for some is undoubtedly a crisis, is for others – namely, the kingdom – a major opportunity. As negotiator, mediator and provider of counsel, Saudi Arabia under King Abdullah is not only seeking to bring Arab neighbours together as an involved party; it is also – by default more than by design – in a position to replace the now discredited role once played by the United States. No other country can do this; but rarely has such a role been more vital.

There is no doubt that such a role is a major task for Saudi Arabia to fulfill – that of peace broker in the Middle East. It is a role that will be underpinned by its oil wealth and its importance to the Muslim world.

But besides wealth and religion, fulfilling such a role also requires moral force to bolster its effectiveness. This moral force can best be achieved by focusing as much on improving its political performance – on the local level – as on improving its diplomatic efforts on the international level. A Saudi focus on what ordinary people need, as much as on what rival groups and governments are battling for, would draw King Abdullah and his diplomats closer to the aspirations of the Arab masses, for Saudi Arabia needs to establish credibility with Arab and Muslim people as much as with Arab and Muslim governments.

Rome – of course – was not built in a day, and King Abdullah has been monarch for less than two years. The broad parameters and much of the detail of where he wants to take the kingdom are now clear. The signs are good. But the underlying need remains for the kingdom to update its political thinking and its political rhetoric to be more in tune with modern times. A successful conclusion to the talks in Mecca is one thing; but using wealth and religious credibility to sincerely encourage and enable such dialogue to become the order of the ‘new day’ throughout the region – including at home – is something rather different.